| Leasanan Poilitigeach do Chàch a Chèile
|
Political Lessons from Each Other |
| "Gaelic Nations - Politics of the Gaelic Language in Scotland and
Northern Ireland in the 20th Century" le Uinseann Mac Aoidh; The
Bluestack Press, Beurla, £10/$15 bog |
"Gaelic Nations - Politics of the Gaelic Language in Scotland and
Northern Ireland in the 20th Century" by Vincent McKee; The Bluestack
Press, English, £10/$15 paperback |
| Aig àm a tha an Riaghaltas a' feuchainn ris a' cho-thuigse eadar
coimhearsnachdan Gàidhlig na h-Eireann is na h-Alba a bhrosnachadh tro
Iomairt Chaluim Chille, tha e math leabhar aig a bheil na h-aon amasan a
leughadh. Tha "Gaelic Nations", le eòlaiche poilitigs a tha e fhèin à
Eirinn a Tuath bho thùs, a' sgrùdadh poilitigs cànanach Gàidhlig ann an
Alba is Eirinn a Tuath agus a' togail air aistidhean a bh'aig an ùghdar
air a' chuspair seo roimhe (Cothrom 5). |
At a time when the Government are trying to increase understanding
between the Gaelic communities of Scotland and Ireland through the
Columba initiative, it is encouraging to read a book which shares the
same aim. "Gaelic Nations", by a political scientist who is himself a
native of Northern Ireland, investigates Gaelic language politics in
Scotland and Northern Ireland and builds on the author's earlier
articles on this subject (Cothrom 5).
|
| Tha an t-ùghdar air fiosrachadh glè inntinneach a thoirt am follais.
Mar eisimpleir, chan eil an àireamh a tha gam foghlam tro mheadhan na
Gaeilge ach beagan nas lugha na àireamh na Gàidhlig, ged nach eil
Gàidhealtachd dhualchasach air fhàgail an Eirinn a Tuath agus chan eil
a' còmhnaidh ann ach 1.5 millean (is cha mhòr a h-uile sgoilear Gaeilge
a' tighinn bhon bheagchuid nàiseantach) seach còig millean an Alba. Ach
tha nua-Ghàidhealtachd aca air Rathad Shaws am Béal Feirste, air a
tòiseachadh le luchd-srì a' chànain an 1969, a tha na fòcas dhan
Ghaeilge sna Sia Siorrachdan. |
In the author's view much of the difference between the development of
the language in Scotland and Northern Ireland during the present century
can be attributed to politics, a point of view which is convincingly
argued throughout the book. In Ireland, Gaelic has been a central
component of national identity and nationalism. Conradh na Gaeilge (the
Gaelic League), founded in 1893, was a key body in the movement towards
an independent Ireland, a nationalism from which the Irish language both
benefited and helped to create. |
| 'Se barail an ùghdair gur e poilitigs as coireach do mhòran dhen diofar
eadar leasachadh a' chànain ann an Alba agus ann an Eirinn a Tuath san
linn sa, beachd a tha ga argamaid le neart air feadh an leabhair. Ann an
Eirinn, tha Gaeilge air a bhith na pàirt bhunaiteach do ionannachd
nàiseanta agus do nàiseantachd. Bha Conradh (cunnradh) na Gaeilge, air a
stèidheachadh an 1893, na buidheann chudromach anns a' ghluasad a
dh'ionnsaigh Eirinn shaor le nàiseantachd air an robh Gaeilge a'
tarraing agus ris an robh i a' cur.
|
The author has come up with some very interesting facts. For example,
the number of Gaelic-medium pupils in Northern Ireland is only slightly
less than that in Scotland, despite the fact that Northern Ireland has
no traditional Gàidhealtachd remaining and has a population of only 1.5
million (with virtually all Gaelic pupils coming from the Nationalist
community, under half of this total) as compared to Scotland's five
million. It also sports its own neo-Gaeltacht in Shaws Road in Belfast,
begun by language activists in 1969, which provides a focus for Gaelic
in the Six Counties.
|
| Ann an Alba tha Gàidhlig dualtach ri bhith ga faicinn na cùis sgìreil
agus iomallach do bheatha, do dh'ionannachd agus fiù 's do nàiseantachd
na h-Alba - nàiseantachd a th'air a bhith stèidhte barrachd air
eaconamachd agus dìon structaran stàite na dùthcha seach air cultar. Ged
a tha fàs nàiseantachd chultarach is phoilitigeach an Alba air cur ri
adhbhar na Gàidhlig, 'sann glè ainneamh a tha an cànan air cur ris an
nàiseantachd. |
In Scotland, Gaelic has tended to be seen as regional and peripheral
to Scottish life, identity and even to Scottish nationalism, a
nationalism which in any case has tended be based on economics and on
the protection of the Scottish institutions rather than on culture.
While Gaelic has been a beneficiary of increasing cultural and
political nationalism in Scotland, it is only very rarely that it has
been a cause. |
| Tha an samhlachas poilitigeach aig gach seòrsa de Ghàidhlig a' giùlan an
dà chuid leasan is mì-leasan. Bho chaidh Eirinn a roinn na dhà, chan e
mhàin nach deach comhfhulangas idir a nochdadh dhan Ghaeilge le
ùghdarrasan Eirinn a Tuath ach tric nàimhdeas os àird. Fo cheannas
Pàrlamaid Stairmhonaidh, "chaidh gabhail ri Gàidhealachas mar chultar
traidhtearach, gun àite ann an sgoiltean na stàite, gu ìre mhòr ga
dubhadh à craoladh na stàite, agus gun aithneachadh is gun ionmhas
poblach airson pròiseactan ealain is cultair." Bha seo air sgàth a'
cheangail fhada aig a' Ghaeilge ri nàiseantachd is poblachdas a th'air
nàimhdeas luchd an Aonaidh a chosnadh.
|
The political symbolism of each variety of Gaelic carries both
advantages and disadvantages. Since the partition of Ireland, the Irish
language has had to face a lack of sympathy from the Northern Ireland
authorities which has frequently manifested itself in open hostility.
Under the Stormont Parliament, "quite simply Gaeldom was treated as a
subversive culture, unwelcome in the state schools, effectively blacked
out of state broadcasting, and denied both recognition and public
funding for its arts and cultural projects". This has been due to
Gaelic's long association with nationalism and republicanism which has
led to hostility from the Unionist community.
|
| Ged a tha seo air casg a chur air a' chànan ann an cuid a dhòighean
leithid dìth ionmhais bhon riaghaltas, tha e air an làimh eile air a
brosnachadh le bhith a' sparradh Gàidheil a Tuath gu bhith a' lorg
dòighean nuadha eile sa choimhearsnachd samhail cruthachadh
Gàidhealtachd bhailteach Rathad Shaws agus foillseachadh a' phàipeir
naidheachd Lá, cho math ri stèidheachadh sgoiltean tro Ghaeilge a
dh'fheumas taic ionmhais na coimhearsnachd fad bhliadhnaichean mus
faighear ionmhas riaghaltais. |
While this has held back the language in some senses such as through
a lack of government funding, it has also paradoxically furthered its
development through encouraging the Northern Gaels to adopt innovative
community solutions such as the building of the Shaws Road urban
Gaeltacht and the publication of the newspaper Lá as well as the
establishment of Gaelic-medium schools which often have to be
financially supported for years by the community until the granting of
government funding. |
| Ma tha nàiseantachd Ghàidhlig (cultarach agus poilitigeach) air a
bhith na cùis thograidh a dh'adhartachadh a' chànain ann an Eirinn,
tha a gainnead an Alba air bacadh a chur air aiseirigh na Gàidhlig.
Ach a-rithist, fhuair a' Ghàidhlig air taic fhaighinn bho na
pàrtaidhean mòra uile sna bliadhnaichean mu dheireadh air an dearbh
adhbhar sin -nach eil ìomhaigh phoilitigeach aice. Tha Mac Aoidh a'
tarraing aire dhan dòigh san deach adhartas a chosnadh dhan chànan,
me, an t-Urras Telebhisean Gàidhlig, ri linn na bàidh thar phàrtaidh
a tha seo ris a' Ghàidhlig; ach cuideachd dhan chunnart gum fàs
buidhnean Gàidhlig ro dhlùth ris an stàit agus nach bi iad saor gus
polasaidh an riaghaltais a chàineadh.
|
If Gaelic nationalism (both cultural and political) has proved to be a
potent motivation for the promotion of Gaelic in Ireland, its relative
absence in Scotland has helped to reduce the potential for Gàidhlig
revival. On the other hand, Scottish Gaelic has been able to enjoy
support from all major political parties in recent times precisely
because of its lack of party political connotations. McKee points out
that the pro-Gaelic political consensus has advantaged the language
through such victories as the Gaelic Television Fund, but that it also
carries the risk that Gaelic organisations will become too close to the
state and will thus be unable to criticise government policy. |
| "Bho chionn ghoirid tha atharraichean air tighinn air poilitigs nan
cànan a dh'fhaodadh an neartachadh san dà dhùthaich. An toiseach,
faodar a ràdh gu bheil mòran dhen ùidh ùr sa Ghàidhlig mar thoradh
air an tuilleadh ceangail a th'aig a' Ghàidhlig ri ionannachd
nàiseanta na h-Alba. Cuideachd, tha Gaeilge air tòiseachadh air
èirigh a-mach à connspaid na poilitigs is àireamh a tha beag ach a'
fàs de luchd an Aonaidh a' togail a' chànain. 'Se tha an leabhar seo
ag ràdh ach gu bheil tòrr ann dha na nàiseanan Gàidhlig seo ri
ionnsachadh bho chàch a chèile.
|
In recent times, there have been some changes in Gaelic politics which
could strengthen the language in both countries. In the first place,
much of the revival in interest in Scottish Gaelic can be seen as being
due to a growing reconnection of Gaelic to Scottish national identity.
Secondly, Irish has taken its first steps towards being less politically
controversial with a small but growing number of Unionists learning the
language. The main message to be gleaned from the book is that both
Gaelic nations have much to learn from each other. |
| Làn de gheur-lèirsinn ged a tha lèirmheas poilitigeach an ùghdair,
dh'fhaodar argamaid nach ionann an dà nì air a bheil e a' dèanamh
coimeas. Tha cus dhen sgrùdadh de dh'Alba a' coimhead air na h-Eileanan
Siar agus air Comhairle nan Eilean, gun sùil ach beag air
luchd-bruidhinn, luchd-ionnsachaidh is luchd-taic na Gàidhlig sa chòrr
de dh'Alba. Ann an Eirinn a Tuath tha saoghal na Gàidhlig ga ghreasad le
luchd-ionnsachaidh bailteach. Nach b'fheàirrde leabhar a tha dèanamh
coimeas air Alba agus Eirinn a Tuath barrachd a dhèanamh de
nua-Ghàidheil na h-Alba agus dhe na h-oidhirpean nuadha leithid Thaigh
na Gàidhlig an Dun Eideann gus coimhearsnachdan ùra Gàidhlig a chumadh.
|
While the author's political analysis contains a great deal of insight,
it could be argued that in a sense he is not comparing like with like.
Too much of the discussion of Scotland focuses on the Western Isles and
their council, Comhairle nan Eilean, with very little being said about
the Gaelic speakers, learners and supporters in the rest of Scotland. In
Northern Ireland the Gaelic scene has been driven by Gaelic learners in
an urban context. Surely a book trying to compare Scotland and Northern
Ireland should home in more closely on Scotland's new Gaels and on
current attempts to forge new Gaelic communities through projects such
as Edinburgh's Taigh na Gàidhlig. |
| "Bhiodh e feumail cuideachd dhan choimeas sùil a thoirt air cor na
Gàidhlig Mhanannaich. Agus tha Mac Aoidh a' cur tuilleadh 's a' chòir
earbsa ann am polasaidhean Gàidhlig Chomhairle nan Eilean. Chan eil ach
timcheall cairteil dhen chloinn aca a' frithealadh aonadan sgoile
Gàidhlig, agus tha Cunntas 1991 a' sealltainn gu bheil a' cheudachd de
chlann le Gàidhlig sna h-Eileanan an Iar air tuiteam fo 50% airson a'
chiad turas. |
Discussion of the current situation of Manx Gaelic would also have been
useful to the study. It should also be said that McKee puts too much
trust in Comhairle nan Eilean for their Gaelic policies. Only around a
quarter of children in its area currently attend Gaelic-medium school
units, and the 1991 census has shown the percentage of Gaelic-speaking
children in the Western Isles falling below 50% for the first time.
|
| Gu mì-fhortanach tha an leabhar agus tlachd an leughadair air am bogadh
barrachd na as àbhaist ann am mearachdan clò. Nas cudromaiche tha an
dòigh anns a bheil cha mhòr a h-uile pìos dhen bheagan Gàidhlig a tha
san leabhar a' fulang litreachadh ceàrr neo gràmar ceàrr neo an dà
chuid. Tha seo gu sònraichte follaiseach air a' chòmhdach a dh'èigheas
le moit "Gaidheal Albannaich agus Gael Uladh" - a' faighinn air droch
Ghàidhlig is droch Ghaeilge a chur còmhla san aon seantans. Bha còir
ath-leughadair Gàidhlig fhasdadh. |
Unfortunately the book suffers from an abnormally large number of
typographical errors which can only detract from the reader's enjoyment.
More serious than this is the fact that virtually all of the limited
amount of Gaelic used in the book is misspelt or grammatically incorrect
or both. This is most obvious on the book's cover which proudly
proclaims "Gaidheal Albannaich agus Gael Uladh" - a sentence which
manages to combine both bad Gaelic and bad Irish. The book should have
been checked over by a Gaelic proof-reader. |
| Tha cuideachd àireamh de mhearachdan fìrinn an "Gaelic Nations" a
dh'fhaodar cur troimh-chèile. Tha e ag ràdh mu Uisdean MacDhiarmaid, mar
neach aiseirigh Doraig, nach robh e airson aiseirigh sa Ghàidhlig. Tha
seo gu tur ceàrr. Ged nach tug e riamh an ùine gus an cànan ionnsachadh,
bha MacDhiarmaid na neach-taic dhan Ghàidhlig agus na phan-Cheilteach
fad a bheatha, gun dùil gun robh sin idir an aghaidh na Doraig. |
"There are also a number of factual errors in "Gaelic Nations" which
could lead to confusion. It is said of Hugh MacDiarmid that, as a Scots
revivalist, he was not in favour of a similar Gaelic revival. This could
not be further from the truth. Though he never took the time to learn
the language, MacDiarmid was a lifelong Gaelic supporter and pan-Celt,
something which he saw as perfectly compatible with his support for
Scots. |
| A thaobh an latha an-diugh, tha an t-ùghdar a' cumail a-mach gu bheil
"na h-aonadan Gàidhlig ag amas air sgoilearan aig a bheil Gàidhlig mar
chànan gnàthach na dachaigh" agus, mas fhìor, nach tèid annta ach clann
le Gàidhlig. Ach tha iad fosgailte do phàiste sam bith ge b'e dè an
suidheachadh cànanach aige. 'Sann à teaghlaichean gun Ghàidhlig a tha
mòran, agus barrachd is barrachd, dhe na sgoilearan Gàidhlig. |
Regarding the present situation, the author states that
"Gaelic-medium units are aimed at pupils for whom Gaelic is the
normal language in the home" and goes on to imply that only
Gaelic-speaking children attend such units. Gaelic units are, in
fact, open to all children regardless of their linguistic background.
A large and increasing percentage of Gaelic-medium pupils come from
non-Gaelic speaking homes. |
| Tha iomradh fiù 's nas annasaiche ann agus tarraing ga dèanamh air
foghlam roi-sgoile: "Tha na cròileagain Ghàidhlig air sgaoileadh a-mach
à Alba gu Gàidheil eilthireach. Tha an-dràsda sgoiltean àraich ann an
Lunnainn, Ceap Breatainn is Eilean Mhanainn." Tha e fada ceàrr a bhith
toirt eilthirich air Gàidheil Cheap Breatainn, is coimhearsnachd
Ghàidhlig le 200 bliadhna air a cùlaibh aca. Tha e cuideachd ceàrr a
ràdh gu bheil cròileagan Albannach ann am Manann. 'Sann tha aon
chròileagan aca, Mooinnjir Veggey, ceangailte ri CNSA an Alba, ach
'se th'ann ach cròileagan Gàidhlig Mhanainn a tha fo stiùir
Mhanannaich. |
An even more bewildering statement is made with reference to pre-school
education: "The scope of Gaelic-medium playgroups has extended outside
Scotland to expatriate Gaels. Presently there are Gaelic nursery groups
in London, Cape Breton and the Isle of Man". Describing the Cape Breton
Gaels as expatriates, coming as they do from a Gaelic community with a
200 year history, is highly inaccurate. It is also incorrect to state
that there is a Scottish Gaelic playgroup on the Isle of Man. The
playgroup in question, Mooinnjir Veggey, is affiliated to Scotland's
CNSA but is nonetheless a Manx Gaelic playgroup run by Manx people. |
| CTha mearachdan beaga eile ann: bha ruith fhada air telebhisean aig an
t-sreath shoirbheachail ionnsachaidh às na 70n, Can Seo - cha robh ann
ach 20 prògram, call mòr dhan chànan; cha robh prògram ionnsachaidh
Gaeilge air telebhisean an Eirinn a Tuath - dè mun riochd Ghaeilge de
Bhruidhinn ar Cànain?; chaidh Faclair Eachdraidheil na Gàidhlig
fhoillseachadh an 1966 - chaidh a thòiseachadh sa bhliadhn' ud agus
thathas fhathast ag obair air; sluagh Searbach na Gearmailt - tha iad
nan Sorbaich. Gu mì-fhortanach chan eil san liosta seo ach na mearachdan
as follaisiche dhen mhòran a th'ann. |
Further minor inaccuracies are also made: the popular 70s television
learners series Can Seo was long-running - it only ran for 20
programmes, a major lost opportunity for the language; there has been no
Irish learners television programme in Northern Ireland - what about the
Irish version of Speaking Our Language?; the Gaelic Historical
Dictionary was published in 1966 - it was only begun in that year and is
still awaiting completion; Germany's Serbian minority - in fact,
Sorbian. Unfortunately, this list only includes the most obvious of the
mistakes as there are many others in the book. |
| "An cronachadh seo ann no às, tha "Gaelic Nations" fhathast fìor airidh
air leughadh mar gheàrr-iomradh is cnuasachadh air aiseirigh a' chànain
san dà dhùthaich agus gu h-àraidh mar thuairisgeul air cor na Gaeilge
sna Sia Siorrachd an latha an-diugh. Tha an leabhar cuideachd a' toirt
seachad fios ùr air a' ghnothach, cho fada suas ri reafaireandam
Pàrlamaid na h-Alba. Thar a h-uile nì, thèid aig "Gaelic Nations" air an
amas aige a choileanadh ann a bhith a' leasachadh na tuigse air càch a
chèile aig "Gàidheil Alba agus Gaeil Uladh".
Alasdair MacCaluim |
These criticisms aside however, "Gaelic Nations" is still very much
worth reading for its concise summary and discussion of the Gaelic
revivals in both countries and in particular for its description of the
present situation of Irish in the Six Counties. The book also provides
very up to date coverage of the situation, dealing with the period right
up to the devolution referendum. Above all, "Gaelic Nations" succeeds in
its aim of improving understanding between Gaels in Scotland and the
north of Ireland. |