The Scottish Gaelic Column

Tha an colbh Gàidhlig seo air a tharraing à "Cothrom", an ràitheachan dà-chànanach aig CLI. Thèid "Cothrom" fhaighinn an asgaidh le buill ChLI, an carthannas airson luchd-ionnsachaidh is luchd-taic na Gàidhlig.

This Gaelic column is drawn from "Cothrom", the bilingual quarterly magazine from CLI. "Cothrom" is distributed free to members of CLI, the charity for learners and supporters of Scots Gaelic

Cuir thugainn do sheòladh airson samhla às an ràitheachan dhà-chànanach Cothrom gu cli@sol.co.uk ag innse gur ann tro "Scottish Radiance" a fhuair thu fios air CLI.

For a sample extract from the bilingual quarterly Cothrom, send your address to cli@sol.co.uk, saying that you heard of CLI through "Scottish Radiance".

Leasanan Poilitigeach do Chàch a Chèile Political Lessons from Each Other
"Gaelic Nations - Politics of the Gaelic Language in Scotland and Northern Ireland in the 20th Century" le Uinseann Mac Aoidh; The Bluestack Press, Beurla, £10/$15 bog"Gaelic Nations - Politics of the Gaelic Language in Scotland and Northern Ireland in the 20th Century" by Vincent McKee; The Bluestack Press, English, £10/$15 paperback
Aig àm a tha an Riaghaltas a' feuchainn ris a' cho-thuigse eadar coimhearsnachdan Gàidhlig na h-Eireann is na h-Alba a bhrosnachadh tro Iomairt Chaluim Chille, tha e math leabhar aig a bheil na h-aon amasan a leughadh. Tha "Gaelic Nations", le eòlaiche poilitigs a tha e fhèin à Eirinn a Tuath bho thùs, a' sgrùdadh poilitigs cànanach Gàidhlig ann an Alba is Eirinn a Tuath agus a' togail air aistidhean a bh'aig an ùghdar air a' chuspair seo roimhe (Cothrom 5).At a time when the Government are trying to increase understanding between the Gaelic communities of Scotland and Ireland through the Columba initiative, it is encouraging to read a book which shares the same aim. "Gaelic Nations", by a political scientist who is himself a native of Northern Ireland, investigates Gaelic language politics in Scotland and Northern Ireland and builds on the author's earlier articles on this subject (Cothrom 5).
Tha an t-ùghdar air fiosrachadh glè inntinneach a thoirt am follais. Mar eisimpleir, chan eil an àireamh a tha gam foghlam tro mheadhan na Gaeilge ach beagan nas lugha na àireamh na Gàidhlig, ged nach eil Gàidhealtachd dhualchasach air fhàgail an Eirinn a Tuath agus chan eil a' còmhnaidh ann ach 1.5 millean (is cha mhòr a h-uile sgoilear Gaeilge a' tighinn bhon bheagchuid nàiseantach) seach còig millean an Alba. Ach tha nua-Ghàidhealtachd aca air Rathad Shaws am Béal Feirste, air a tòiseachadh le luchd-srì a' chànain an 1969, a tha na fòcas dhan Ghaeilge sna Sia Siorrachdan.In the author's view much of the difference between the development of the language in Scotland and Northern Ireland during the present century can be attributed to politics, a point of view which is convincingly argued throughout the book. In Ireland, Gaelic has been a central component of national identity and nationalism. Conradh na Gaeilge (the Gaelic League), founded in 1893, was a key body in the movement towards an independent Ireland, a nationalism from which the Irish language both benefited and helped to create.
'Se barail an ùghdair gur e poilitigs as coireach do mhòran dhen diofar eadar leasachadh a' chànain ann an Alba agus ann an Eirinn a Tuath san linn sa, beachd a tha ga argamaid le neart air feadh an leabhair. Ann an Eirinn, tha Gaeilge air a bhith na pàirt bhunaiteach do ionannachd nàiseanta agus do nàiseantachd. Bha Conradh (cunnradh) na Gaeilge, air a stèidheachadh an 1893, na buidheann chudromach anns a' ghluasad a dh'ionnsaigh Eirinn shaor le nàiseantachd air an robh Gaeilge a' tarraing agus ris an robh i a' cur. The author has come up with some very interesting facts. For example, the number of Gaelic-medium pupils in Northern Ireland is only slightly less than that in Scotland, despite the fact that Northern Ireland has no traditional Gàidhealtachd remaining and has a population of only 1.5 million (with virtually all Gaelic pupils coming from the Nationalist community, under half of this total) as compared to Scotland's five million. It also sports its own neo-Gaeltacht in Shaws Road in Belfast, begun by language activists in 1969, which provides a focus for Gaelic in the Six Counties.
Ann an Alba tha Gàidhlig dualtach ri bhith ga faicinn na cùis sgìreil agus iomallach do bheatha, do dh'ionannachd agus fiù 's do nàiseantachd na h-Alba - nàiseantachd a th'air a bhith stèidhte barrachd air eaconamachd agus dìon structaran stàite na dùthcha seach air cultar. Ged a tha fàs nàiseantachd chultarach is phoilitigeach an Alba air cur ri adhbhar na Gàidhlig, 'sann glè ainneamh a tha an cànan air cur ris an nàiseantachd.In Scotland, Gaelic has tended to be seen as regional and peripheral to Scottish life, identity and even to Scottish nationalism, a nationalism which in any case has tended be based on economics and on the protection of the Scottish institutions rather than on culture. While Gaelic has been a beneficiary of increasing cultural and political nationalism in Scotland, it is only very rarely that it has been a cause.
Tha an samhlachas poilitigeach aig gach seòrsa de Ghàidhlig a' giùlan an dà chuid leasan is mì-leasan. Bho chaidh Eirinn a roinn na dhà, chan e mhàin nach deach comhfhulangas idir a nochdadh dhan Ghaeilge le ùghdarrasan Eirinn a Tuath ach tric nàimhdeas os àird. Fo cheannas Pàrlamaid Stairmhonaidh, "chaidh gabhail ri Gàidhealachas mar chultar traidhtearach, gun àite ann an sgoiltean na stàite, gu ìre mhòr ga dubhadh à craoladh na stàite, agus gun aithneachadh is gun ionmhas poblach airson pròiseactan ealain is cultair." Bha seo air sgàth a' cheangail fhada aig a' Ghaeilge ri nàiseantachd is poblachdas a th'air nàimhdeas luchd an Aonaidh a chosnadh. The political symbolism of each variety of Gaelic carries both advantages and disadvantages. Since the partition of Ireland, the Irish language has had to face a lack of sympathy from the Northern Ireland authorities which has frequently manifested itself in open hostility. Under the Stormont Parliament, "quite simply Gaeldom was treated as a subversive culture, unwelcome in the state schools, effectively blacked out of state broadcasting, and denied both recognition and public funding for its arts and cultural projects". This has been due to Gaelic's long association with nationalism and republicanism which has led to hostility from the Unionist community.
Ged a tha seo air casg a chur air a' chànan ann an cuid a dhòighean leithid dìth ionmhais bhon riaghaltas, tha e air an làimh eile air a brosnachadh le bhith a' sparradh Gàidheil a Tuath gu bhith a' lorg dòighean nuadha eile sa choimhearsnachd samhail cruthachadh Gàidhealtachd bhailteach Rathad Shaws agus foillseachadh a' phàipeir naidheachd Lá, cho math ri stèidheachadh sgoiltean tro Ghaeilge a dh'fheumas taic ionmhais na coimhearsnachd fad bhliadhnaichean mus faighear ionmhas riaghaltais. While this has held back the language in some senses such as through a lack of government funding, it has also paradoxically furthered its development through encouraging the Northern Gaels to adopt innovative community solutions such as the building of the Shaws Road urban Gaeltacht and the publication of the newspaper Lá as well as the establishment of Gaelic-medium schools which often have to be financially supported for years by the community until the granting of government funding.
Ma tha nàiseantachd Ghàidhlig (cultarach agus poilitigeach) air a bhith na cùis thograidh a dh'adhartachadh a' chànain ann an Eirinn, tha a gainnead an Alba air bacadh a chur air aiseirigh na Gàidhlig. Ach a-rithist, fhuair a' Ghàidhlig air taic fhaighinn bho na pàrtaidhean mòra uile sna bliadhnaichean mu dheireadh air an dearbh adhbhar sin -nach eil ìomhaigh phoilitigeach aice. Tha Mac Aoidh a' tarraing aire dhan dòigh san deach adhartas a chosnadh dhan chànan, me, an t-Urras Telebhisean Gàidhlig, ri linn na bàidh thar phàrtaidh a tha seo ris a' Ghàidhlig; ach cuideachd dhan chunnart gum fàs buidhnean Gàidhlig ro dhlùth ris an stàit agus nach bi iad saor gus polasaidh an riaghaltais a chàineadh. If Gaelic nationalism (both cultural and political) has proved to be a potent motivation for the promotion of Gaelic in Ireland, its relative absence in Scotland has helped to reduce the potential for Gàidhlig revival. On the other hand, Scottish Gaelic has been able to enjoy support from all major political parties in recent times precisely because of its lack of party political connotations. McKee points out that the pro-Gaelic political consensus has advantaged the language through such victories as the Gaelic Television Fund, but that it also carries the risk that Gaelic organisations will become too close to the state and will thus be unable to criticise government policy.
"Bho chionn ghoirid tha atharraichean air tighinn air poilitigs nan cànan a dh'fhaodadh an neartachadh san dà dhùthaich. An toiseach, faodar a ràdh gu bheil mòran dhen ùidh ùr sa Ghàidhlig mar thoradh air an tuilleadh ceangail a th'aig a' Ghàidhlig ri ionannachd nàiseanta na h-Alba. Cuideachd, tha Gaeilge air tòiseachadh air èirigh a-mach à connspaid na poilitigs is àireamh a tha beag ach a' fàs de luchd an Aonaidh a' togail a' chànain. 'Se tha an leabhar seo ag ràdh ach gu bheil tòrr ann dha na nàiseanan Gàidhlig seo ri ionnsachadh bho chàch a chèile. In recent times, there have been some changes in Gaelic politics which could strengthen the language in both countries. In the first place, much of the revival in interest in Scottish Gaelic can be seen as being due to a growing reconnection of Gaelic to Scottish national identity. Secondly, Irish has taken its first steps towards being less politically controversial with a small but growing number of Unionists learning the language. The main message to be gleaned from the book is that both Gaelic nations have much to learn from each other.
Làn de gheur-lèirsinn ged a tha lèirmheas poilitigeach an ùghdair, dh'fhaodar argamaid nach ionann an dà nì air a bheil e a' dèanamh coimeas. Tha cus dhen sgrùdadh de dh'Alba a' coimhead air na h-Eileanan Siar agus air Comhairle nan Eilean, gun sùil ach beag air luchd-bruidhinn, luchd-ionnsachaidh is luchd-taic na Gàidhlig sa chòrr de dh'Alba. Ann an Eirinn a Tuath tha saoghal na Gàidhlig ga ghreasad le luchd-ionnsachaidh bailteach. Nach b'fheàirrde leabhar a tha dèanamh coimeas air Alba agus Eirinn a Tuath barrachd a dhèanamh de nua-Ghàidheil na h-Alba agus dhe na h-oidhirpean nuadha leithid Thaigh na Gàidhlig an Dun Eideann gus coimhearsnachdan ùra Gàidhlig a chumadh. While the author's political analysis contains a great deal of insight, it could be argued that in a sense he is not comparing like with like. Too much of the discussion of Scotland focuses on the Western Isles and their council, Comhairle nan Eilean, with very little being said about the Gaelic speakers, learners and supporters in the rest of Scotland. In Northern Ireland the Gaelic scene has been driven by Gaelic learners in an urban context. Surely a book trying to compare Scotland and Northern Ireland should home in more closely on Scotland's new Gaels and on current attempts to forge new Gaelic communities through projects such as Edinburgh's Taigh na Gàidhlig.
"Bhiodh e feumail cuideachd dhan choimeas sùil a thoirt air cor na Gàidhlig Mhanannaich. Agus tha Mac Aoidh a' cur tuilleadh 's a' chòir earbsa ann am polasaidhean Gàidhlig Chomhairle nan Eilean. Chan eil ach timcheall cairteil dhen chloinn aca a' frithealadh aonadan sgoile Gàidhlig, agus tha Cunntas 1991 a' sealltainn gu bheil a' cheudachd de chlann le Gàidhlig sna h-Eileanan an Iar air tuiteam fo 50% airson a' chiad turas. Discussion of the current situation of Manx Gaelic would also have been useful to the study. It should also be said that McKee puts too much trust in Comhairle nan Eilean for their Gaelic policies. Only around a quarter of children in its area currently attend Gaelic-medium school units, and the 1991 census has shown the percentage of Gaelic-speaking children in the Western Isles falling below 50% for the first time.
Gu mì-fhortanach tha an leabhar agus tlachd an leughadair air am bogadh barrachd na as àbhaist ann am mearachdan clò. Nas cudromaiche tha an dòigh anns a bheil cha mhòr a h-uile pìos dhen bheagan Gàidhlig a tha san leabhar a' fulang litreachadh ceàrr neo gràmar ceàrr neo an dà chuid. Tha seo gu sònraichte follaiseach air a' chòmhdach a dh'èigheas le moit "Gaidheal Albannaich agus Gael Uladh" - a' faighinn air droch Ghàidhlig is droch Ghaeilge a chur còmhla san aon seantans. Bha còir ath-leughadair Gàidhlig fhasdadh.Unfortunately the book suffers from an abnormally large number of typographical errors which can only detract from the reader's enjoyment. More serious than this is the fact that virtually all of the limited amount of Gaelic used in the book is misspelt or grammatically incorrect or both. This is most obvious on the book's cover which proudly proclaims "Gaidheal Albannaich agus Gael Uladh" - a sentence which manages to combine both bad Gaelic and bad Irish. The book should have been checked over by a Gaelic proof-reader.
Tha cuideachd àireamh de mhearachdan fìrinn an "Gaelic Nations" a dh'fhaodar cur troimh-chèile. Tha e ag ràdh mu Uisdean MacDhiarmaid, mar neach aiseirigh Doraig, nach robh e airson aiseirigh sa Ghàidhlig. Tha seo gu tur ceàrr. Ged nach tug e riamh an ùine gus an cànan ionnsachadh, bha MacDhiarmaid na neach-taic dhan Ghàidhlig agus na phan-Cheilteach fad a bheatha, gun dùil gun robh sin idir an aghaidh na Doraig."There are also a number of factual errors in "Gaelic Nations" which could lead to confusion. It is said of Hugh MacDiarmid that, as a Scots revivalist, he was not in favour of a similar Gaelic revival. This could not be further from the truth. Though he never took the time to learn the language, MacDiarmid was a lifelong Gaelic supporter and pan-Celt, something which he saw as perfectly compatible with his support for Scots.
A thaobh an latha an-diugh, tha an t-ùghdar a' cumail a-mach gu bheil "na h-aonadan Gàidhlig ag amas air sgoilearan aig a bheil Gàidhlig mar chànan gnàthach na dachaigh" agus, mas fhìor, nach tèid annta ach clann le Gàidhlig. Ach tha iad fosgailte do phàiste sam bith ge b'e dè an suidheachadh cànanach aige. 'Sann à teaghlaichean gun Ghàidhlig a tha mòran, agus barrachd is barrachd, dhe na sgoilearan Gàidhlig.Regarding the present situation, the author states that "Gaelic-medium units are aimed at pupils for whom Gaelic is the normal language in the home" and goes on to imply that only Gaelic-speaking children attend such units. Gaelic units are, in fact, open to all children regardless of their linguistic background. A large and increasing percentage of Gaelic-medium pupils come from non-Gaelic speaking homes.
Tha iomradh fiù 's nas annasaiche ann agus tarraing ga dèanamh air foghlam roi-sgoile: "Tha na cròileagain Ghàidhlig air sgaoileadh a-mach à Alba gu Gàidheil eilthireach. Tha an-dràsda sgoiltean àraich ann an Lunnainn, Ceap Breatainn is Eilean Mhanainn." Tha e fada ceàrr a bhith toirt eilthirich air Gàidheil Cheap Breatainn, is coimhearsnachd Ghàidhlig le 200 bliadhna air a cùlaibh aca. Tha e cuideachd ceàrr a ràdh gu bheil cròileagan Albannach ann am Manann. 'Sann tha aon chròileagan aca, Mooinnjir Veggey, ceangailte ri CNSA an Alba, ach 'se th'ann ach cròileagan Gàidhlig Mhanainn a tha fo stiùir Mhanannaich.An even more bewildering statement is made with reference to pre-school education: "The scope of Gaelic-medium playgroups has extended outside Scotland to expatriate Gaels. Presently there are Gaelic nursery groups in London, Cape Breton and the Isle of Man". Describing the Cape Breton Gaels as expatriates, coming as they do from a Gaelic community with a 200 year history, is highly inaccurate. It is also incorrect to state that there is a Scottish Gaelic playgroup on the Isle of Man. The playgroup in question, Mooinnjir Veggey, is affiliated to Scotland's CNSA but is nonetheless a Manx Gaelic playgroup run by Manx people.
CTha mearachdan beaga eile ann: bha ruith fhada air telebhisean aig an t-sreath shoirbheachail ionnsachaidh às na 70n, Can Seo - cha robh ann ach 20 prògram, call mòr dhan chànan; cha robh prògram ionnsachaidh Gaeilge air telebhisean an Eirinn a Tuath - dè mun riochd Ghaeilge de Bhruidhinn ar Cànain?; chaidh Faclair Eachdraidheil na Gàidhlig fhoillseachadh an 1966 - chaidh a thòiseachadh sa bhliadhn' ud agus thathas fhathast ag obair air; sluagh Searbach na Gearmailt - tha iad nan Sorbaich. Gu mì-fhortanach chan eil san liosta seo ach na mearachdan as follaisiche dhen mhòran a th'ann.Further minor inaccuracies are also made: the popular 70s television learners series Can Seo was long-running - it only ran for 20 programmes, a major lost opportunity for the language; there has been no Irish learners television programme in Northern Ireland - what about the Irish version of Speaking Our Language?; the Gaelic Historical Dictionary was published in 1966 - it was only begun in that year and is still awaiting completion; Germany's Serbian minority - in fact, Sorbian. Unfortunately, this list only includes the most obvious of the mistakes as there are many others in the book.
"An cronachadh seo ann no às, tha "Gaelic Nations" fhathast fìor airidh air leughadh mar gheàrr-iomradh is cnuasachadh air aiseirigh a' chànain san dà dhùthaich agus gu h-àraidh mar thuairisgeul air cor na Gaeilge sna Sia Siorrachd an latha an-diugh. Tha an leabhar cuideachd a' toirt seachad fios ùr air a' ghnothach, cho fada suas ri reafaireandam Pàrlamaid na h-Alba. Thar a h-uile nì, thèid aig "Gaelic Nations" air an amas aige a choileanadh ann a bhith a' leasachadh na tuigse air càch a chèile aig "Gàidheil Alba agus Gaeil Uladh".

Alasdair MacCaluim

These criticisms aside however, "Gaelic Nations" is still very much worth reading for its concise summary and discussion of the Gaelic revivals in both countries and in particular for its description of the present situation of Irish in the Six Counties. The book also provides very up to date coverage of the situation, dealing with the period right up to the devolution referendum. Above all, "Gaelic Nations" succeeds in its aim of improving understanding between Gaels in Scotland and the north of Ireland.

You can find more articles in the archive under Gaelic Column and information on the organization at C.L.I.


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